Standards and performance in policing must urgently be restored

Editorial: The police, like so many sectors, are short of experienced, skilled staff. This is a direct result of the decision by the Conservative-led coalition government a decade ago to make 23,000 such officers redundant

A police officer lays flowers on Tuesday near the scene in Knotty Ash, Liverpool, where nine-year-old Olivia Pratt-Korbel was fatally shot (PA)

Rather like police work itself, the job of fixing Britain’s troubled constabularies is a nitty-gritty business. Although the hysteria about a “crime wave” is exaggerated, there is legitimate public concern about the resurgence in knife crime, some especially appalling incidents involving firearms, notably the killing of Olivia Pratt-Korbel in Liverpool, and isolated cases of the looting of shops, whether in the West End of London or a branch of McDonald’s in Nottingham.

The ubiquitous smartphone and the rise of social media, and some irresponsible media commentary, can easily create an absurdist image of “lawless Britain”, but that does not mean that there is any room for complacency.

As ever, the victims of crime are disproportionately drawn from the poorest sections of society, living side by side with the perpetrators. Indeed, that very proximity adds to the sense of intimidation that, in turn, has fostered a “no grass” culture in some communities (often reinforced by historic suspicion among minority ethnic communities).

The police, like so many sectors, are short of experienced, skilled staff. This is a direct result of the decision by the Conservative-led coalition government a decade ago to make 23,000 such officers redundant. With their departure went decades’ worth of know-how, community understanding, links and intelligence, expertise that was ready to be transferred to new recruits (if there were any), and the kind of nous that only an experienced officer can bring to bear.

It is true that the Johnson government has made much progress on the 2019 manifesto pledge to recruit 20,000 new officers, but of necessity they are just that – raw material at the start of their careers. Anecdotally, it has been suggested that some have been ill-suited to the role, and have moved on – there are plenty of other easier and better-paid jobs to go to.

It is difficult to see a solution to the mistakes of the Cameron-Osborne era (one during which Theresa May was home secretary and Boris Johnson served as mayor of London), given that it is far too late to recall the sacked officers of the 2010s. Experience will have to be built up again. The partial dismantling of the police service was the work of the last three Conservative prime ministers, and much against the party tradition of favouring the police in tough times, something that contributed to the mass civil disorder of 2011.

Also, like elsewhere in the public services and the wider economy, there is a desperate need to re-equip officers and police stations with the latest technology. It is becoming painfully apparent, for example, that the British police are being overwhelmed by the wave of cybercrime and fraud, which is taking place on a colossal scale and destroying lives far more completely than a burglary or robbery (serious and distressing as they certainly are).

There are other obvious shortcomings that sap public confidence in the police. Laptops, smartphones and vehicles can nowadays be fitted with reliable tracking devices, and the public find it unacceptable that they can give the police an address to recover their property and the police don’t think it worth their while to do so. Much the same goes for CCTV footage offered by householders and businesses. This is often the case in rural areas, for far too long neglected as “quiet” places. The sheer volume of material recovered from smartphones during investigations also threatens the delivery of justice. Changes to procedure, the law and targeted investment would make some difference to police efficiency, and public faith in the service.

One area that the police could act on immediately, with no particular need for investment, is the discipline and moral code that is supposed to guide police work. From the notorious Stephen Lawrence case to the murder of Sarah Everard and most recently the disappearance of Owami Davies has eroded public confidence in the police. Though such instances are uncommon, there is still too much suspicion about a persistent “canteen culture” of misogyny and racism.

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On social media, all too often the efforts of the police to reach out to communities, by participating in Pride events, say, is portrayed as frivolous and a dereliction of duty. In reality, they are an essential part of the work of making everyone feel that the police are “on their side” – something that will encourage witnesses to come forward and for crimes to be solved.

If reorganisation and passing new laws were the answer to the problems in British policing, then the UK would be the safest place on Earth. For legislation to be effective, criminals need to be apprehended, and the courts efficient enough to process them fairly and swiftly. That is not the case, for reasons that are self-evident.

The blend of local constabularies and regional and national squads in England and Wales doesn’t seem to be an impediment to police work, and the local links and knowledge embedded in the various forces is a precious resource and would be too easily discarded by the creation of one national force or even a set of regional groups.

In the next few years, with much economic hardship ahead, it seems inevitable that there will be an uptick, at least, in crime. That is no excuse for theft or rioting, but a simple fact born of past experience during recessions, and in towns and cities with no jobs and little hope. Policing by consent is a time-served and essential basis for police work. It has not been lost, but in too many places it is wearing too thin. Given the challenges ahead, restoring standards and improving performance could not be more urgent.