Ukraine has shown Britain what progressive patriotism can look like

We have much to be proud of, and a story of national collectivism that can shame the government’s turn to austerity and individualism

Our national generosity has been shown in the people’s – if not the government’s – openness to welcoming Ukrainian refugees (AP)

The situation in Ukraine – and the response of its people from Zelensky downwards – has shown that a positive narrative of national identity is perfectly possible. Neither does it have to be denied to achieve a sense of international solidarity or national change and development.

Now is the perfect time for progressive people in the UK to ask how we too could adopt this narrative of national solidarity to build a better future.

When I was growing up in the 1970s and 1980s, nationalism in Britain was seen, particularly on the left, to be synonymous with fascism. This was not unreasonable, knee-jerk thinking. There were fascists marching in the streets and running for elections, and as such, the potent national symbols they claimed as theirs – like the flag of St George and the Union Jack – were rejected by people who had all too often seen them in pamphlets from far-right candidates.

In the 1990s, there was a reasonably successful attempt to change all of that, as Britpop dominated culture, and football and celebratory lad culture supplanted grunge in the national consciousness. “Things can only get better,” thought the left, as it embraced nationalism with varying degrees of success.

But as the pendulum swung back – from Iraq and migrant scare stories, through to Brexit and austerity – pride in the UK fell out of fashion. Britpop was seen as too Blairite; the Union Flag was claimed by Leavers and too often rejected by dismayed Remainers.

But this is not how the general public feels. These attitudes exist only in the unreal worlds of social media and hyper-political activism. They do not reflect the country’s natural sense of belonging together as a national community. That is a sense the left should and could feel part of – it is the very definition of collectivism, after all.

During the past month, we have seen the contrast between Ukraine’s proud national sense of identity and solidarity, and the “Nazi” image the Russian propaganda tried to paint it as. This has sat in sharp contrast with the bullying sense of national authoritarian entitlement coming from Putin. When you are patriotic only under pain of death or imprisonment, that pride doesn’t really run that deep.

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The spirit of 1945 that the left is so rightly proud of comes from our post-war sense of national solidarity. Without the deprivations of war, the impetus to build the welfare state, the NHS and a vast wave of social “homes for heroes” might never have existed. And while it is unlikely we will see UK boots on the ground, our interdependent world will see the home front suffering deprivations, thanks to a series of worldwide crises.

Our national response to the global pandemic has helped us build strong bonds of communities as we supported each other through two difficult years. Our national generosity has been shown in the people’s – if not the government’s – openness to welcoming Ukrainian refugees.

We have much to be proud of, and a story of national collectivism to relate that can – and should – shame the government’s hard turn back to austerity and individualism. We can counter Priti Patel’s small island narrative of closed borders and a hostile environment with one that makes us proud of the national spirit of giving and welcoming.

Now is the time for us to give up our squeamishness about nationhood and celebrate a future narrative of what Britain can be, when given the right chance and the right leadership.

Now is the time to truly remember the lessons of 1945 and apply them properly. We can use this post-crisis opportunity to take up the mantle of the great socialists and reformers, and make Britain a place we can feel proud of again.