Salvini is turning Italian politics into a right-wing xenophobic monopoly – without action, he'll change my nation for good

The legitimisation of far-right politics and semi-authoritarian stances has to be taken seriously, and it must start with a wave of anti-fascist, pro-EU and anti-nationalist alliances

“I ask Italians to give me full powers”, Matteo Salvini, the leader of the far-right League party and Italy’s deputy prime minister, declared last week after calling for an early election. The collapse of the coalition government with the Five Star Movement specifically follows his desire to electorally capitalise on a huge popularity and consequently monopolise Italian politics even more.

On Tuesday, he was virulently (albeit verbally) slapped by Italy’s prime minister, Giuseppe Conte, during his resignation speech in parliament. He said Salvini was making an “irresponsible” decision, interested in “his own business”, and had a “lack of constitutional culture”. Although it is not yet clear when the next ballot will take place – as Sergio Mattarella, Italy’s president may reasonably appoint a new government involving the Five Star Movement and the centre left – the coming months are going to be really problematic for this important Euro-Mediterranean country.

The League is currently the best-supported party and can theoretically gain a hard-right and anti-EU majority in the next parliament. This represents a huge risk for the EU. Salvini’s movement has been so far able to alter the public debate and popular opinion so as to embrace his far-right platform of hatred and scapegoating over the European institutions, and especially immigration and any type of diversity.

This shift has been clear since the early stages of the coalition. When, in summer 2018, the new cabinet was established, it was infamously labelled the “government of change”. But major transformations have not been positive. Zero economic growth and quarrelling attitudes with Brussels were coupled with ignorance, strange links with foreign leaders such as Putin, the rejection of academic and teachers’ autonomy, nationalism and “memory lapses” on interwar fascism and the fascist antisemitic laws.

Xenophobic violence has similarly been on the rise. This new Italy under Salvini is evidently a much more intolerant nation. Almost like Spain under Franco’s regime, it is becoming a safe sanctuary for anti-democratic activists and (racist) right-wing extremists. Will Salvini’s tenure as prime minister lead to a further radicalization of public opinion and party politics? More than likely.

The League’s leader has every intention of moving Italy towards an Orban-like illiberal democracy. Another worrying side of the current situation is their bizarre understanding of democracy and power balance. Conte’s denunciation of Salvini’s policies came far too late. His government or the Lega’s local representatives supported, in various forms, apartheid-type resolutions; tried to silence dissident popular voices; defended the Duce’s figure and (some) policies; criticized judges and their autonomy; are willing to give more power to police forces; and promoted an anti-elite attitude among people.

This is clearly challenging for a relevant country such as Italy, a founder of the European community in the 1950s, but with a massive public debt, will the anti-EU turn prevail and support an Italexit?

All options are on the table, including the worst nightmare: a future cabinet of the League, the neo-fascist Brothers of Italy, and Silvio Berlusconi’s declining party. The coming "anti-League" government and later, the elections, will be therefore central for the future shape of Italian democracy and the nature and frame of the EU.

The legitimization of far-right politics and some of the current semi-authoritarian stances have to be taken seriously. The new cabinet has to restore international credibility and play down anti-immigrant politics, anti-judiciary and anti-parliamentary approaches, but also avoid polarisation and social divisions. International media and democratic watchdogs should also monitor ongoing developments.

There is still hope to reverse this narrow nationalist tide, though this process will probably take years. Meanwhile, anti-fascist, pro-EU and anti-nationalist alliances should be established by opposition movements and anti-League forces. Grassroots activism is similarly necessary: we have to explain why solidarity, respect and tolerance are the pillars of any organisation of our social (and political) life.

Democracy is also a reasonably old and established set of rules and practices. But decades after dictatorships, it seems useful to remind citizens that nothing is immutable and fixed. Society may well shift towards an authoritarian entity once again.#

Dr Andrea Mammone is a lecturer in modern European history at Royal Holloway, University of London