Jacob Rees-Mogg’s tweet about the AfD is part of a pattern which seeks to normalise the far right

Ultimately, being ‘right on’ is no longer a likely vote-winner; being right-wing – and then some – is the easy way to bag yourself a political base

In defending his decision to tweet a video of the leader of the AfD (Alternative for Germany) speaking about Brexit in the Bundestag, Jacob Rees-Mogg made two points that were – in and of themselves – reasonable.

First, he is surely right that retweeting isn’t necessarily “an endorsement of things that other people stand for”. And second, it is plainly true that there are many anti-EU voices beyond Britain who, like Alice Weidel, continue to agitate for reform of the union.

But it is precisely this kind of weaselly, disingenuous defence that makes Rees-Mogg’s actions so dangerous.

By making a couple of remarks which seem rational if taken at face value, he helps to normalise and legitimise a party which has discussed the need to fight an “invasion of foreigners” and which regards Islam as having no place in Germany. No mainstream politician should be playing that game if they have any decency.

It is part of a pattern, though.

The Conservative MEP Daniel Hannan last year referred to the leader of the Dutch FvD (Forum for Democracy), Thierry Baudet, as “my friend” and has described his party as “Dutch patriots”. That they may be; but like other populist, right-wing groupings in Europe, the party is stridently anti-immigrant, anti-“elites” and sceptical about what Baudet calls “climate change hysteria”. Just over a week ago it won 12 seats in the upper chamber of the Dutch parliament – making it the equal largest party.

Of course, when the Conservative Party is allied in the European parliament to a raft of pretty unpleasant right-wingers, maybe these examples should come as no surprise.

Most recently, the Alliance of Conservatives and Reformists in Europe was joined by the Fratelli d’Italia (Brothers of Italy), which is firmly anti-immigrant, anti-Islam and anti-LGBT+ rights. Other parties in the grouping include the Danish People’s Party, which has called for a ban on the building of new mosques and an 8pm curfew for young people. The Polish Law and Justice Party is another ally, which has been seeking to exert political control over Poland’s judiciary.

Politicians like Rees-Mogg and Hannan – and Boris Johnson to name another mainstream Conservative – regularly make the argument that it is important to discuss difficult issues in order not to drive them underground. And as a bald contention, who would dismiss it?

After all, whatever you think of Brexit, the EU is certainly not perfect. To suggest that discussion of its reform is off-limits is patently absurd – indeed, it was David Cameron’s failed attempt to seek substantive reforms, and then to pretend that any real progress had been made, which arguably lay at the heart of the troubled Remain campaign.

Likewise, a great many in this country feel negatively towards immigration, and to globalisation. To brush that under the carpet is to store up trouble for the future.

But these issues can perfectly easily be discussed without resorting to insulting tropes (a la Boris Johnson with his remarks about burqa-wearing women) and without reference to the views of a far-right party such as the AfD.

It’s a ploy though, isn’t it? Reasonable-sounding, well-educated men like Johnson and Rees-Mogg flirt with offensive ideas which will inevitably cause a liberal backlash. Then they come over all holier than thou, making clear that of course they don’t endorse the AfD (or whatever is the example du jour), and yet nevertheless use the opportunity to express grave concerns about political correctness gone mad or the clamping down of legitimate debate. The whole process is duplicitous hogwash.

And we’ll see more of it, no doubt. Just as Ukip has been sliding into the arms of Stephen Yaxley-Lennon, aka Tommy Robinson, so the Conservatives will nudge into the section of Ukip support which would have once looked to Nigel Farage (see Dominic Grieve’s deselection for recent evidence).

Ultimately, being “right on” is no longer a likely vote-winner; being right-wing – and then some – is the easy way to bag yourself a political base. The AfD and the FvD are, like a whole host of anti-immigrant, anti-EU, anti-establishment parties, useful pals in this context.

Where will it leave us? Look across the Atlantic.