The ‘special relationship’ has been shaken, but Boris Johnson has no choice but to chase Joe Biden’s coattails

Tensions over Afghanistan reveal the flaw in the ‘global Britain’ strategy: the UK is even more dependent on the US now than before Brexit and yet enjoys little influence in Washington

You would not have guessed it from Boris Johnson’s opening speech in today’s Commons debate on Afghanistan, but relations between London and Washington are extremely tense over the chaotic US withdrawal from Afghanistan.

UK ministers are appalled by the lack of consultation and the failure of US intelligence over the speed of the Taliban advance (though the UK did not see that coming either). But the official line for ministers to take is clear: you can have a pop at Donald Trump’s initial deal with the Taliban, but don’t criticise Joe Biden.

Normally, statements issued by Downing Street after the prime minister speaks by phone to another world leader are notoriously bland. But after last night’s conversation between Johnson and Biden, No 10 said revealingly: “The prime minister stressed the importance of not losing the gains made in Afghanistan over the last 20 years, of protecting ourselves against any emerging threat from terrorism and of continuing to support the people of Afghanistan.”

Remarkably, the UK is defending the “gains” while the leader of the 20-year operation is not. There is dismay among British ministers that Biden heaped blame on Afghans in his statement on Monday and insisted the intervention was not about nation building; you could have fooled Tony Blair and his successors, who repeatedly talked up its wider aims. It was noticeable that in the Commons today, Johnson praised the “bravery and sacrifice” of the Afghan army, insisted the “core mission” was a “success” and highlighted the “lasting benefits” to the country from the coalition’s actions – though no one can guarantee the Taliban will allow them to last.

The UK shares the anger of Nato allies who, having triggered the organisation’s Article 5 – an attack on one is an attack on all – for the only time in its history to go into Afghanistan after 9/11, expected to be equally involved in the exit strategy. They were all in it together – until it suited the US to be out.

The affair has exposed the fundamental flaw in Johnson’s “global Britain” strategy: the UK is even more dependent on the US than before Brexit and yet enjoys precious little influence in Washington. Biden dismissed the UK’s plea for a conditions-based withdrawal that might have made it easier to prevent a resurgence of terrorist attacks from Afghan soil.

At the same time, the UK has lost influence among its neighbours and allies. It was unable to forge a coalition of those still willing to stay in Afghanistan without America’s might. Italy was interested but France and Germany were not. Perhaps the die was cast once America’s air support was lost, but Brexit hardly made an alternative option any easier to pursue. During the Commons debate, Johnson was pressed by MPs, including Theresa May, on how hard he had really tried to form a continuing alliance to maintain stability in Afghanistan. May asked pointedly: “Where is ‘global Britain’ on the streets of Kabul?” Johnson admitted the UK had considered increasing its military presence but did not believe the public or the Commons would support sending tens of thousands of troops to fight the Taliban. He insisted: “It is an illusion to believe there is appetite among any of our partners for a continued military presence or military solution.”

Although he would never admit it, on Afghanistan Johnson has more in common with the UK’s former EU partners than the US, yet he is still chasing Biden’s coattails. But where are the tangible benefits?

The jewel in the crown of post-Brexit Britain was supposed to be a US-UK trade deal. But I’m told there is now little expectation on either side of the Atlantic of an agreement before 2023 at the earliest. There is also impatience in London that the Biden administration has not reciprocated after the UK allowed fully vaccinated Americans to enter the country without quarantine. Another shadow over the relationship is the Northern Ireland protocol; Johnson knows the White House is watching like a hawk what it sees as the UK’s attempt to rewrite an agreement on which the ink is barely dry.

Although Johnson speaks to Biden less frequently than he did with Trump, UK officials insist the relationship is more stable than under the unpredictable Trump. Although it has undoubtedly been shaken by the rift over Afghanistan, Johnson can’t criticise Biden in public, even after the catastrophe of recent days. In the medium term, he has nowhere else to run after Brexit. In the short term, Johnson must beg Biden to stump up billions of dollars more to help poor countries tackle climate change to prevent the Cop26 summit in Glasgow in November ending in failure. Whitehall sources say delivering the rich nations’ overdue promise of $100bn (£72.7bn) a year to developing countries is a major hurdle that could hold the key to the summit’s success or failure.

For Johnson, all roads lead to Washington. But the once-special relationship has become a one-way street.