What do the Liberal Democrat leadership candidates stand for?

Politics Explained: While largely in the shadow of the Tory contest, this decision could have more impact on Britain’s future in the long run

At first glance, there isn’t that much to choose between the two Liberal Democrat leadership candidates, Sir Edward Davey (53) and Jo Swinson (39).

They were both ministers in the Con-Lib Dem coalition government in 2010 to 2015 (Davey as energy secretary, Swinson as a business minister).

They both share a conventional progressive centre-left outlook. Both show an openness to working with other centrist/centre-left groups, particularly on Brexit. Both want to stop Brexit. Both rule out a coalition with Jeremy Corbyn’s “Brexiteer” Labour Party.

Both agree the party’s decisions on ramping up tuition fees when they were in government with David Cameron was a “mistake”. (Neither would repeal them now.) Both aspire to decarbonise the economy. Both would ban fracking.

Less sportingly, one might say, neither is obvious leadership material, and will probably compare poorly with Boris Johnson for charismatic, rhetorical showboating style, and Jeremy Corbyn and Nigel Farage for on-the-stump populist ranting.

Either will, in all likelihood, tend to live in the shadow of their most recent recruit, Chuka Umunna, a rather bigger and higher-profile personality. Layla Moran, first elected in 2017, also favoured by some, declined to stand for this election, perhaps wary of the intrusions into one’s private life that such a job is likely to bring.

Swinson admits to being “a bit of a board game geek”; Davey admits he once played truant to go and see Supertramp.

Still, the 107,000 or so Liberal Democrat members looking for a replacement for Sir Vince Cable will have a bit more than differences in personality to go on as they look to the future. Crudely speaking, Davey is the less left-wing of the pair, the one who carries with him more of the air of the coalition era and the Orange Book liberalism of a few years ago – more receptive to market mechanisms than old-style state intervention.

Davey is not in favour, for example, of renationalising the railways and is perhaps marginally less likely to cooperate with Labour than Swinson (though the parliamentary arithmetic after the next election will also have an influence on their freedom of manoeuvre). As a Scot representing a Scottish seat, Swinson might carry more credibility and attract support north of the border, historically an important base for the Liberal Democrats in the Commons.

Swinson favours electoral arrangements so that one pro-second referendum candidate would be selected by the Lib Dems, Greens, Change/Independent Group or others can run in winnable constituencies.

Davey rejects that, and prefers post-election deals, if needs be. However, he recently called for such a pact in Uxbridge, in order to “decapitate the blond head” of Boris Johnson.

In today’s unstable four/five/six party political system, and with the Labour Party in some difficulties on Brexit, it is perfectly possible that the Lib Dems, now detoxified by their clear stance, could achieve something of a breakthrough, surpassing their previous high watermark of 62 MPs won by Charles Kennedy at the 2005 election (compared with 12 now).

Some might even dream of the premiership itself. So this election, seemingly so irrelevant by comparisons with the Tories’ current contest, might actually have more impact on the future of the UK in the long run.

The poll closes at 3pm on 23 July, and email or paper ballot papers are now being distributed. A winner will be announced the same evening, according to the party.