Can the new Green Party leaders make an impact?
With ministers in Holyrood and Germany’s Green Party likely to be a major part of the governing coalition, there’s a feeling that England and Wales’ Greens may no longer be quite so peripheral. Sean O’Grady looks at what to expect
Although the election of Carla Denyer and Adrian Ramsay as co-leaders of the Green Party has gone virtually unnoticed by the media and the public (fairly or otherwise), it may prove to be a significant moment in years to come.
Albeit virtually invisible to the electorate, in choosing Denyer-Ramsay over the alternative pairing of Amelia Womack and Tamsin Omond, the Greens have opted for a more electoral and less protesting path to getting their ideas implemented. The winners were endorsed by the party’s lone MP, Caroline Lucas, and by one half of the previous leadership pairing, Siân Berry. In their first media interviews, Denyer and Ramsay were lukewarm about some of the tactics and direct action used by Insulate Britain and Extinction Rebellion. There was no sign that their first act in office would be to glue themselves to the M4 or to a Tube train. Omond, by contrast, is a co-founder of Extinction Rebellion. In the eyes of some, including wavering progressive voters, it may appear that the Green Party is growing up, embracing democratic means and accepting the responsibilities and compromises that are required to win influence and power, and thus save the planet.
No doubt too, many Greens will have noticed that there are now two Green ministers serving in the SNP government in Scotland, able to leverage their modest parliamentary strength to pursue their own causes. As Greens in England and Wales cast their ballots they might also have done so with a glance across to Germany, where the Greens have long been in power regionally and nationally, form the main opposition in some German states and cities, and are most likely on the verge of joining another Social Democrat-led national coalition. In Germany the Greens have acquired a reputation for being grown-ups as well as idealists.
One other difference that explains the differing fortunes of the English Greens and of Scottish and German Greens is the countries’ electoral systems. On about 16 per cent of the vote in Germany the Greens can expect a big say in a coalition government and control of the foreign ministry, say. To a lesser degree they have done the same at Holyrood, on about 8 per cent of the regional list vote. Yet in the UK parliament, such a vote might deliver only a couple of seats. The Green Party of England and Wales faces an almost unsurmountable barrier at a general election. It has been raised even higher by Keir Starmer’s decision to run a Labour candidate in every British seat, so there’ll be no official explicit backing for any progressive red-green electoral alliance. The Greens will have to rely on tactical voting and targeted campaigning to provide extra numbers in the Commons.
There are also lingering and sometimes bitter differences about tactics to stop climate change, and about trans rights. This issue led to the departure of Ms Berry, who felt she could not manage party divisions on the question. The Green Party leader has to follow the policy set by the membership, which can obviously present a significant problem, even if as Ms Berry did, a leader limits themselves to a “duty to influence”. So she quit. Jonathan Bartley, her co-leader also called it a day and wants to build a “progressive alliance” with Labour, Liberal Democrats, the SNP and Plaid Cymru.
Still, Denyer and Ramsay do inherit some significant strengths. Climate change is a pressing issue, and the Cop26 conference will remind people just how important it is. The Green Party should naturally benefit from public concern and widespread acceptance of impending man-made environmental disaster. At about 10 per cent in the opinion polls, the Greens vie with the Liberal Democrats for third place on a UK-wide basis. They have hopes of more Westminster parliamentary representation in places such as Bristol and Norwich. In a hung parliament, that might be significant.
The party also has a growing base in local government. Control in Brighton and Hove is complemented by a share in power in 17 more councils. The party made a net gain of 91 council seats in May, and hit 12 per cent in the poll for the London Assembly. They are broadly getting stronger and building strength in East Anglia (Norwich, Cambridge and Suffolk), Bristol and of course Brighton. They hold about 450 council seats.
The most immediate problem for the Denyer-Ramsay duo will simply be getting noticed, that is without blocking the M25 for a day. They’ll have their party conference in Birmingham (from 22-24 October), which may help a little, but it will be a struggle. The Greens like their decentralised, democratic, free-wheeling ways and enjoy protesting. Power asks a lot more of parties and leaders.
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