Can Britain cope if MPs are struck down with coronavirus?
Sean O'Grady looks at the impact if the virus hits our elected representatives
Around a dozen members of parliament and a couple of ministers (ironically in the Department of Health and Social Care) have either been tested positive for coronavirus or are in the process of diagnosis, and are “self-isolating”. Apart from wishing them to get well soon, and without wishing to be flippant, does it matter?
Obviously it is not ideal, but absentee MPs are not such an unusual phenomenon. Some seats in Northern Ireland have had abstentionist Sinn Fein MPs for many years. For reasons of principle they refuse to take up their seats at Westminster, and do not take part in debates, committee work or any of the other political activities of the House of Commons. Nonetheless, they are elected by their constituents in the full knowledge that they will self-impose isolation from the Westminster bubble. The Sinn Fein MPs can still undertake typical constituency work from their local office, or from home.
Other MPs have occasionally disappeared, been sent to prison, suspended from the house, died or simply disappeared. More often they can become too ill to work. In such circumstances the whips can sustain a pairing arrangement whereby the effect on votes in the Commons is neutralised (provided it is honoured). Otherwise a friendly MP in a neighbouring constituency can take on the local duties. And of course the 14 weeks or so of parliamentary recesses this year takes the edge off any unscheduled absences.
That said, a total absence of legislators would present a problem never encountered before. Perhaps technological solutions could rescue British democracy in the coming months.
As for absent ministers, other members of the ministerial team can take on much of their duties – answering questions, attending committees, meeting lobby groups, framing policy, making speeches and so on. In a situation where there was no government at all – rather apocalyptic – then civil servants could take on the non-partisan responsibilities. This is what happened in Northern Ireland during the recent long suspension of its executive. Nations such as Belgium, Italy and Israel often spend months with no effective ministerial government after indecisive elections, and they still manage to function.
With the postponement of the local and mayoral elections for a year, and the disruption likely to be faced by parliaments and government at every level through 2020, one solution might be to shelve the most contentious or complex processes and legislation for at least a year. The obvious candidate for such a moratorium would be the UK-EU Brexit talks, already disrupted by coronavirus. For now though, there seems more chance of delaying the spread of coronavirus than delaying Brexit.
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