As in business, sport and war, so also in politics: one of the defining features of political leadership is to pursue objectives with stamina but also to know precisely when to make a tactical move back or sideways to better secure the larger portion of the prize.
So it is now with the prime minister and his Rwanda bill. The House of Lords has done its job of trying to revise flawed proposals, and is now asking for only two quite reasonable amendments: the implementation of safeguards in the UK-Rwanda treaty, and an exemption aimed at saving the lives of those nationals – including Afghan forces – who have been “agents, allies and employees of the UK overseas”.
Lord Browne, who served as defence secretary, has championed this new clause and argues: “We are told that many who have braved death and injury and are forced into exile as a result of assisting our armed forces in fighting the Taliban, are to be punished for arriving here by irregular routes – even when owing to wrongful refusals on our part or possible malfeasance on the part of the special forces, that compelled them to take these routes in the first place.”
It has been reported that James Cleverly, the home secretary, was keen on conceding the point, which would have allowed the Lords to pass the bill promptly. He and Mr Sunak would have ended the long deadlock, “delivered” a key policy and been lawfully entitled to start deportation proceedings. But No 10 vetoed the compromise, and we are left with indefinite parliamentary ping pong between Commons and Lords. Even after the bill is passed, there will be further legal challenges, and an election is pending.
The government ought not be wasting time on wrangling with the Lords on such a matter. Had ministers backed down on the Browne amendment, worthy on its own merits, they could have made a start on their long-delayed mission, but Mr Sunak’s obduracy has cost him valuable time. Nothing will be settled by next week, and perhaps not even then. It can only be hoped that in the next few days, Mr Sunak will think again; the alternative is somehow to force the bill through and leave a further stain on Britain’s reputation.
This is a cause on which The Independent is proud to have campaigned – with success, in the case of one brave ex-Afghan Air Force pilot and his family, and for Afghan ex-special forces left behind in real fear for their lives. Some are now in the UK because they were compelled to seek irregular routes, fearing removal, perhaps back to Afghanistan where all face torture or death at the hands of the Taliban. It is wrong to leave them in Pakistan or Afghanistan, and wrong to dispatch them to Rwanda. These are demonstrably not “scroungers” or economic migrants but people who were willing to make the ultimate sacrifice in common cause with the British and other allies. They are here because we invaded their country and they answered our call. The blood of fallen comrades from both nations is mingled in the dust of Helmand province. The present resettlement schemes have proved inadequate to the task.
Mr Cleverly has offered some assurances about future safe routes for them, but the matter is too urgent to delay action. It is a debt of honour, as so many senior military figures have pleaded, and it needs to be repaid as soon as possible. It should not matter that, as is rumoured, UK special forces are worried about them testifying in cases where war crimes are alleged. Indeed, the argument runs precisely the opposite way because Britain should obey the rules of war – no different to, say, Russia or Israel – and crown forces be held to higher standards. Mr Sunak could salvage some shreds of decency from his cruel law by agreeing to Lord Browne’s amendment. Yet he seems determined to press ahead, no doubt to face further delays, unhappiness among even his supporters, and legal challenges ready to weaken the practical and moral force of his bill.
Mr Sunak’s commitment to this bizarre piece of legislation was always reckless and politically foolish. It has proved a debilitating distraction that won’t even win him back many of the votes he is seeking; those few who might have been impressed by forcing desperate human beings onto a flight to Kigali have long given up on the Conservatives, and those who find the policy as repugnant as it is absurd will only be driven further away.
Mr Sunak has created a trap for himself whereby even if he gets his flights away, he will have gained little in political ground. The two years it has taken for the Tories to spend the equivalent of £2m on deporting each hapless refugee merely demonstrates just how inept, wasteful and unfocused this government has become. Two years, three prime ministers, four home secretaries and the best part of £5bn blown since Boris Johnson and Priti Patel first dreamt up this publicity stunt – and not a single asylum seeker has started a new life in Africa.
What happens now – so close to a near-inevitable change of government, and thus the abolition of the scheme – is an irrelevance. Even for those who sincerely believe immigration is a problem, rather than a solution, the Rwanda saga and the high volumes of perfectly lawful migration demonstrate the government hasn’t got a clue how to get the numbers down.
Mr Sunak has tied his premiership to this eccentric project and, through his stubbornness, missed a fine opportunity to enjoy a rare political “win” while doing the right thing by Afghan allies. But the loss to Britain’s sense of self-respect and honour is far more grievous and long-lasting. Eventually, Mr Sunak may get his way and Afghan allies will, once again, be abandoned. Those already in Britain risk being kicked out and sent to Rwanda and possibly back to Afghanistan, where some will inevitably be left to die at the hands of the Taliban. The Rwanda bill is shameful enough but this is an appalling act of betrayal by the British government perpetrated against our Afghan allies. It seems increasingly likely this wrong will have to be put right by the next government – if it’s not already too late.
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